BoAr: FNQ: Hereward XXII

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De Gestis Herwardi Saxonis.

XXII.

De quodam milite qui in insulam ingressus est, et quomodo primus regi de insula et habitatoribus ejus prædicanda dare censuit.

Ille quoque miles catus, quem jam paulo ante in insulam ingressum memoravimus capitur ante majores et primates insulæ in Ely deducitur. A quo etiam quum requisitum esset causam adventus et nomen, Dadam ex vocabulo nominatum perciperunt, et causam hujusmodi. Nam rex coram suis pactus est, quod si quis prior in insulam ingressus dampnum inferret, si quis ab eo de eisdem insulæ possessionibus postularet, utique promitteretur. Et his auditis audaciæ ejus virtutem laudaverunt, et eum secum aliquantis diebus commanere fecerunt, quamobrem ut virtutis eorum experientiam agnosceret, et quam tutum præsidium ipsi haberent intelligeret, munitissimi locis vallatione præditi et insignium militum collegiis non minime roborati. Nam ut sæpe coram eis professus est, in bello minus eos esse profectos seu in militia peritos præ aliis gentibus multotiens audierat, sed priusquam discessit, præclarissimos in cunctis percepit et in bellis exercendis efficaces, habita quoque hoc ex pacto licentia abeundi ut non aliter quam audierat et viderat de eis proferret, et hoc etiam sacramento fidei confirmato, dono ditatus, tandem ad regis curiam pervenit, ex cujus adventu omnes simul valde congratulabantur, verum et ipse rex gavisus est. Nominatissimus quidem inter insigniores militum regis erat, et interrogatus ante omnem exposuit curiam, quomodo in insula incolumis fortuitu pereunte fortuna solus ingressus est. Ubi cum ipse via quam ascenderant et quam fecerant innumerabiles sicut supra libavimus perierunt, ipse enim ex omnibus solummodo vivum ab Herwardo magistro militum insulæ ipsius dicebat et in insulam deductum, per quem inter insigniores militum catervis honoratum si fuisse asseruit. Postquam percunctatus causam ingressionis didicit, regiam promissionem illi exponens, quod maximo honore ditaretur si quis in insulam ingressus prius dampnum inferret. Verum adhuc diligenter inquisitus dignitates majorum ejusdem insulæ peroravit et nomina, atque in defensione insulæ magnanimitatum eorum opera recensuit, et quomodo insignium militum catervis valde roborati sunt et collegiis robustissimorum non minime protecti. Illos autem tres comites quos supra memoravimus, silicet, Adwinus, Morkere, Tosti, et duos proceres Argarum et Thrachitell cognomento Puer, primos ad dignitatem insinuans præposuit.

Herwardum vero Exulem cum suis, præ illis pene et præ cunctis equitibus quos apud Francorum gentem seu apud Romanum imperium vel apud Constantinopolitanum viderat, ex virtute laudis et animositate in multis de eis sermonem faciendo pertulit, et si nonnullos tamen illi coæquavit, neminem illum excedere dixit. Ad hoc quoque comes de Warenne, cujus fratrem, sicut superius explanavimus, Herwardus dudum occiderat, præ ira commotus et gravi indignatione exstimulatus, intulit : Vere evidentissime declaratur te non minime esse deceptum, ut dominum nostrum regem isto modo fallacis laudibus et persuasionibus inimicos ejus extollens ad benevolentiam decipiendo revocares. Ac insuperque sceleratissimum virum Herwardum virtute et fortitudine præfers ? Desistat nunc regis veneranda majestas diutius et vanissimis exhonerari sermonibus. Cui ille prædictus miles inquiens respondit, non se munere nec dono seductum, nec alicujus favoris gratia persuasura, nisi tantum ut de eis vera proferat, nulla facie potentis seu alicujus veritatis, sub sacramento fidei in hoc pacto ab eis libere discedens. Et subjugendo interrogat quomodo illa posset reticere, dum exiguntur quæ oculis vidit et ipse expertus est, nisi dominum regem offenderet et sacramentum suum violaret, aliter de eis mentiendo recensens. Rex vero interdum pro istis inoffensum eum haberi præcepit, et suum explicare sermonem, illum diu ante veracem militem agnovisse contestans, si tamen nunc ut existimatur in his non excederet. Iterum autem ille prædictus miles satis non solum a rege sed a pluribus inquisitus, interrogant si alimentis seu alicujus rei necessitate egerent, vel si plus ibi probati viri fuerint quam prius exposuit, ut in aliquo eum in suo sermone deviantem invenirent, aut potius ut aliquid ad oppugnationem eorum intelligerent unum subjugendo refert : Si causam igitur adhuc audire contenditis, ut sæpe illuc percipi hoc est. Disposuerat enim regis veneranda majestas transmarinos monachos in omnibus ecclesiis Anglorum decanos et præpositos constitui debere, pro quibus vestra sublimitas jamdudum miserat, illos videlicet quos quidam insignis miles ex Anglorum gente, Brumannus nomine, in mari hac ex causa obvios habuit, et in pelago demersos per saccum maximum transire fecit sic cognatos ab externa dominatione tunc liberans. Qua de re monachi loci illius alienis subjici verentes magis laborare maluerunt quam in servitutem redigi, exules, præjudicatos, exhæreditatos, et suos parentes idcirco ad se congregantes, suum locum et insulam non insigniter de eis et aliis munierunt, et penitus illa pro tanti exercitus numero non aggravatur, et inimico non aggravatur ; ubi ob quatuor regum et regnorum obsidionem arator manum ab aratro non avertat, nec messoris dextra a messe vacillet, nec venator ibi venabula non observat, nec auceps avibus insidiare juxta ripas fluminum non desistat et in silvis, qui decore nimis in eadem insula et opulente pene omnibus animantibus sunt.

Nam eo tempore quo aves aquaticæ pennas mutant et habitum, illuc sæpe aviculas captas afferre vidi multas, nonnunquam centum et aliquando ducentas et plus, et sæpissime non multum inferioris numeri ac etiam ex una aqua mille. Ex silvis namque quæ in insula sunt eo modo in uno anni tempore ardearum satis copia est, excepta habundantia ferarum et pecorum. Ex aquis vero quæ in circuitu insulæ sunt, omni genere piscium abundari illos non ambiguum est. Et amplius quid referam ? Quotidie enim dum illuc tempora exegi, more Angligenorum16 epulis in refectorio monachorum fastidiebamus, reficiente ad prandium semper et ad cœnan milite cum monacho, ad superiorem tabulam abbate cum tribus prælibatis comitibus simul etiam recumbentibus17 et cum duobus præclarissimis viris Herwardo et Turkillo cognomento Pure. Desuperautem unumquemque equitem et monachum clipei lanceæ parieti adhærentes pendebant et in medio domus a capite usque deorsum super . . . . loricæ galeæ cum cæteris armis erant appositæ, ut semper monachi sicut milites parati vices suas peragere essent, et in expeditione belli ire, hoc nempe mihi præ cunctis unum et valde mirificum est de illis omnibus quod illuc percepi monachos loci illius pene omnes tam præclaros in militia esse, quod nedum penitus ante audivi, nec ipse in aliquo alio loco numquam expertus sum. Non enim illos ad munitionem in aliquo egere scio nisi fotrte in animo deficiant, quum insulam habeant fructiferam, in omni quippe semine etiam et germine uberrimam, atque ex aquis et palude munitissimam, omnique castello muris circumdato fortiorem. Præterea tamen dominus meus rex illos expugnare utinam non desistat, et me quoque a veritate non deviantem inveniet, et melius tandem cum illis pacem facere intelliget quam diu illos expugnare et nil penitus prævalere.


The Exploits of Hereward the Saxon.

XXII.

Of a soldier who went into the Isle, and resolved to be the first to give information to the King about the Isle and its inhabitants.

That soldier whom we have named a little while ago1 as having gone into the Isle, was taken and led before the chief men and dignitaries of the Isle in Ely. And when he was asked for the reason of his coming and for his name, they found out that he was called Dada, and the reason of his coming was as follows. The King2, in the presence of his followers, had made a bargain, that whoever should first make his way into the Isle and inflict some damage, might ask of him any of the possessions in the Isle, and he promised he should have it. Hearing this they praised his audacity and valour ; and they caused him to stay with them for a few days, that he might become acquainted with their valour3, and see how secure a position they held, being provided with the defence of a thoroughly fortified place, and in no small degree strengthened by the companies of distinguished soldiers. For, as he often declared in their presence, he had many times heard that they were less proficient in war and less skilled in military tactics than other nations ; but before he departed he perceived that they were most excellent in all things, and efficient in practice of warfare. So permission to go away was given him on these terms, that he should report about them nothing else than what he had heard and see, and this he had to confirm with an oath ; and so at length, complimented with a present, he arrived at the King’s court ; and everybody greatly congratulated him on his arrival, and the King himself was glad. For he was a man of very great repute among the more distinguished of the King’s knights : and when he was asked before the whole court, he declared how he entered the Isle by some favour of fortune safe and sound. And while on the road on which they had marched and which they had made, great numbers, as we have narrated above4, perished, he said that he alone of them all had been conducted alive by Hereward the master of the soldiers5 of the Isle into the Isle ; and by him he asserted that he had been honoured among he most distinguished of the bands of soldiers. Afterwards, on enquiry, he learnt the reason of his going there, Dada explaining to him the King’s promise that any man who should first go into the Isle and inflict some damage should be rewarded with very great honour. Upon being further strictly questioned, he went through all the dignities of he chief men of the Isle and their names ; and recounted the grandeur of their works of defence, and how well strengthened they were by troops of distinguished soldiers, and in no small degree protected by companies of mighty men. And in the first place of dignity he put those three Earls whom we have named above, that is to say, Adwinus6, Morkere7, and Tosti8, and the two nobles, Orgar9 and Thrachitell10, surnamed The Boy. And in giving his description of them he extolled Hereward the Outlaw with his men above themselves and above all knights whom he had ever seen in the nation of France, or in the Roman empire11, or in Constantinople12, for their valour and courage13 ; and if he thought some equal to him yet he said no one could surpass him. At this the Earl of Warenne14, whose brother we have before related Hereward had lately slain, moved with anger and stirred up with great indignation, spoke thus : “Truly it is very evident that you are wholly deceived, in that you would untruthfully induce your lord the King to show kindness, by thus extolling his enemies with false and specious praises. And above all do you set up that most infamous man Hereward for valour and courage? Let his Majesty be no more burdened with such frivolous talk.” To whom the soldier aforesaid made reply ; that he had not been seduced by bribe or present, nor was any favour in the future promised ; save only that he was to tell the truth about them without fear or favour, and he was allowed freely to depart after having taken an oath to do this. And then he proceeded to enquire how he could keep silence on these matters, while he was asked what he himself had seen and experienced, without offending his lord the King and violating his oath, if he gave untruthfully any other report. So the King gave command that he was to be held harmless for those matters, and that he should tell them more, professing that he had long known him for a truth telling soldier, and he believed he was not exaggerating now. Once more therefore the aforesaid soldier was thoroughly questioned not only by the King but also by many others : and they asked if the enemy were in need of provisions or any necessaries, or if there were any more famous men than he had previously named, so as to find out if possible contradicting himself in his account ; or rather that they might discover something to help them in their attack. To all this he had but one answer : “If you are still anxious to learn the reason (of their enmity), it is as follows, as I have often heard. For his Majesty had arranged that monks from across the sea ought to be appointed as deans and heads in all the churches of he English ; and for them your Majesty had lately sent, those very men namely whom a certain famous soldier of the nation of the English, Brumannus15 by name, intercepted by sea for this reason, and dipped them in the sea in a large sack and made them go back, thus, for the time, delivering his friends from foreign rule. For which cause the monks of that place, fearing to be made subject to foreigners, preferred rather to work than to be reduced to slavery, and therefore gathered to themselves the outlaws, the condemned, the disinherited, and their parents, and fortified their territory and Isle, against them and others, to some slight extent*; and within the Isle there is no pressure by reason of the number of their army, and they are not pressed by the enemy : seeing that though blockaded by four kings and their people, the ploughman does not take his hand from the plough, neither does the reaper’s right hand waver in the harvest, nor does the hunter neglect his hunting spears, nor does the fowler cease from lying in wait for the birds by the banks of the rivers, and in the woods : for the inhabitants are well and plentifully supplied with all sorts of living creatures. For at the time when the water-fowl change their feathers and appearance, there I have often seen men bring many little birds, sometimes a hundred, occasionally two hundred and more, and very often not many less than a thousand from one single piece of water. And from the woods that are in the Isle, in the same way, at one time of the year there is a great supply of herons, so say nothing of the abundance of wild animals and cattle. Then again from the waters round the Isle, it is very well known that they abound with every kind of fish. Why need I say more? For every day while I spent my time there, after the manner of the English16, we used to feel disgust at the banquets in the monks’ refectory, soldier and monk repairing together17 to dinner and supper, and at the high table the Abbot with the three Earls before named, and the two distinguished men Hereward and Turkillus surnamed Pure18, seated side by side. Above each knight and monk there were hanging against the wall shields and lances, and in the middle of the hall from one end to the other were placed breastplates, and helmets, and other pieces of armour ; so that always the monks as well as the soldiers were quite ready to take their turn and go forth on a warlike expedition : and in truth this one thing above all others struck me as marvellous, of the things I there noticed, that the monks of that place are all so well versed in warfare, a thing that I never heard of before, nor have I experienced such a thing in any other place. For I do not know that they are deficient in anything pertaining to their defence, unless perchance in personal courage, while they have a fertile Isle, most productive in every kind of seed and grain, and so well protected by waters and swamp, much stronger than any castle surrounded by walls. But yet I trust my lord the King will not cease from attacking them, and he will find my account quite truthful, and he will discover that he had better make peace with them than continually attacking them and prevailing nothing.”


*        [Sweeting’s note] Latin very difficult. It seems to imply that the natural security of the position was sufficient without artificial defences.


Commentary.

This chapter is very largely a report of events at the court of William so will be at least second hand. Hugh Candidus’s informants will have been too young to have been there, though the Abbey of Peterborough had by his time, a Norman abbot and doubtless other Norman members. Much of the chapter is a report of a report made at William’s court and of Norman reaction to it. While it may be an invention, it all reads naturally apart from the presence of Earl Tostig at Ely, discussed in note 8.

1.     Chapter XXI

2.       William I (the Conqueror).

3.       In recent centuries valour has tended to mean rather more ‘military courage’ but here it means more general military worth, with considerable weight given to the capacity to bring following skilled soldiers to support a cause. More generally still, it meant ‘worth’ and could be applied to a girl, lady, boy or man; military or not. (OED)

4.       Chapter XXI

5.     As in Chapter XII, Hereward is acting as magister militum, master of troops. The Hereward story is sometimes dismissed because modern people can not believe that counts and earls would take orders from an obscure thegn but it seems clear that on the one hand, he was not an obscure thegn, having eminent parentage (though attitudes to the relationship between his parents may have changed in his lifetime). On the other hand, here, as in his Irish and Flemish operations, he is not formally in charge. The Abbot and the earls Edwin, Morcar and Tostig take that role. They had sent for him with a view to his organizing the defence of the Isle, upon which they had decided. But, in the same way as people do not write books about how Queen Anne fought the Battle of Blenheim, so Leofric and Hugh are not telling us how the Abbot fought the Siege of Ely. As an executive officer, Hereward, the master of the troops, is the one who works out tactics, does the organizing and actually gets things done.

6.       Edwin, Earl of Mercia, Hereward’s father’s grandson – Hereward’s half brother’s son.

7.       Morcar, Earl of Northumbria, Edwin’s younger brother. He was elected Earl of Northumbria after Tostig had been ejected by the Northumbrians.

8.       Tostig, when pronounced in the Danish manner sounds like Tosti so English writers sometimes spell it that way. The best known Tostig was a son of Earl Godwin, whose family and that of Leofric were opposed. He is not relevant here as he died in 1066 at the Battle of Stamford Bridge (ASC 1066). It is difficult to trace another Earl Tostig in the appropriate period so it looks as though Leofric Deacon or one of Hugh Candidus’s informants was mistaken. Otherwise, it is simply revealing my ignorance of the Earl Tostig referred to. Or, conceivably, the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle could be wrong on this occasion. Its compilers were much the same sort of men as those who compiled the Hereward story. They were not infallible.

9.     An Ordgar had held a modest estate in Cambridgeshire. (Morris 12,1. 14,21. 32,5.)

10.     Thorketill had been a significant landowner in pre-Conquest Lincolnshire: in Billingborough, Horbling, Quadring, Heckington, Newton, Rothwell, Creeton, Bourne and Rippingale; but it was all in relatively small parcels and he was not one of the great landowners there (Morris). This appears to fit his status as described in the text.

11.     The Holy Roman Empire. See Chapter XII Commentary.

12.     At this date, Constantinople was still Greek Orthodox Christian and employing Nordic adventurers in its armed forces. Stiffening of its armed forces was sorely needed as its empire was in a state of collapse. See the Wikipedia article on Constantinople (sections dealing with the period from 860 to 1081).

13.   Here we find valour and courage listed separately. See note 3.

14.     See Chapter XVII note 1.

15.     He is hard to trace. There was a sub-tenant at Fordham, a freeman called Bruman (Cambridgeshire Domesday 1,2) so the name did exist.

16.   More Angligenorum, ‘by the custom of the English people’. This is a counterpart of the expression, more Danico, met with in the commentary on Chapter II. The noun is mos, moris. Like most Latin words, it presents a range of possible translations into English - habit, manner, custom, fashion, will, humour, precept, law (Langenscheidt). More is the ablative singular; meaning by, with or from the custom.

17.     Here we have the word recumbens again. We met it in Chapter XIV when the Normans were at table and at ease in the company of some women. Here the abbot and the earls are at ease in each other’s company or simply seated at the abbot’s dining table.

18.     Puer - The Boy. He is likely to have acquired that epithet if his father had the same name. A likely candidate for having been the father held property in Lincolnshire: Billingborough, Bourne, Creeton, Heckington, Horbling, Newton, Quadring, Rippingale and Rothwell (Morris). In Nottinghamshire he may have had an interest at Egmanton (Morris).


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